DESERTPEACE HAS MOVED
Image by David Baldinger

Image by David Baldinger



Image 'Copyleft' by Carlos Latuff
SIXTY YEARS IS WAY TOO LONG FOR THIS TO HAVE GONE ON ~~ PALESTINE MUST BE FREE NOW!
May 15th, 1948, was the Palestinian Al-Nakba (the Catastrophe), or what Israel refers to as the “Day of Independence.” To Palestinians, it symbolizes the dispossession, displacement, and uprooting of 800,000 Palestinians from their homes in what then became Israel. Many of these refugees and their descendants, who now number more than 4 million, still languish in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and surrounding Arab countries. While Al-Nakba embodies the first major wave of forced expulsion of Palestinians from their land, Israel’s premeditated campaign of ethnic cleansing continues to this very day.
(Ben Heine © Cartoons)
From ~~~(Ben Heine © Cartoons)
Today, January 1st has been declared World Day of Peace. Peace is a 'divine gift' according to His Holiness Pope Benedict XVl...
It will only become a reality if his words are heeded and not shoved aside by those that profit by war.... it can happen if we all work together.... Christians, Muslims, Jews and those of all other faiths.... the 'family of man'.
Let us all forge together to a New World Order in 2008!
VATICAN CITY (AP) -- Pope Benedict XVI opened the New Year on Tuesday with an appeal for world peace, calling it a "divine gift" and stressing the role of family as the foundation for it.
The Catholic Church celebrates January 1 as its World Day of Peace, and during a midmorning Mass in St. Peter's Basilica, the pope called for "the gift of peace: for our families, our cities and the whole world.
"We all aspire to leave in peace, but real peace ... is not the simple conquest of man or the result of political agreements: it is above all a divine gift," Benedict said.
At the same time, the pope added, peace is a "commitment that must be pursued with patience."
Benedict also returned to a theme that has been central to his papacy when he spoke of the importance of the traditional family based on the marriage between man and woman.

Abir Aramin, one of the 373
"In 2007, about 35 percent of those killed were civilians who were not taking part in the hostilities when killed," said the report by the B'Tselem organisation.
Out of the 373 Palestinians killed, 131, or some 35 percent, were civilians who were not involved in fighting, the report said -- a decrease of 19 percentage points from the 2006 figure of 54 percent.
The number of Palestinians killed by Israeli forces in 2007 nearly halved compared to the previous year -- 373 died up to December 29 this year, while 657 were killed in 2006, it said.
The majority of the Palestinians who died by Israeli fire in 2007 were killed in the Gaza Strip, where Hamas -- an Islamist movement pledged to Israel's destruction -- violently seized power in June.
Since then, Israel has launched regular air and ground operations in the densely populated Palestinian territory aimed at stopping the near daily firing of rockets and mortars from the territory.
An Israeli army spokeswoman said she could not immediately comment on the report because the army had not yet received a copy of it.
The report also said that 2007 saw a "deterioration in many other measures of the human rights situation in the occupied territories. The primary one is the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip, which has declined to an all time low, following Israel's siege on the area."
Following Hamas's seizing of power, Israel in September declared Gaza a "hostile entity," upping restrictions on the movement of goods and people to the impoverished territory.
On the Israeli side, seven civilians were killed this year by militants, three of them in a suicide bombing attack in the Red Sea report town of Eilat in January, two in rocket attacks on the town of Sderot near Gaza, and two by gunfire in the occupied West Bank.
Six members of Israel's security forces were also killed in 2007, including two off-duty soldiers shot dead in Friday near the West Bank town of Hebron.
Also read THIS report from B'Tselem... 373 Palestinians killed by Israeli forces in 2007

Image 'Copyleft' by Carlos Latuff

| AFRIKAANS | gelukkige nuwejaar |
| ALBANIAN | Gëzuar vitin e ri |
| ALSATIAN | e glëckliches nëies / güets nëies johr |
| ARABIC | aam saiid / sana saiida |
| ARMENIAN | shnorhavor nor tari |
| AZERI | yeni iliniz mubarek |
| BAMBARA | bonne année |
| BASQUE | urte berri on |
| BELARUSIAN | З новым годам (Z novym hodam) |
| BENGALI | subho nababarsho |
| BERBER | asgwas amegas |
| BETI | mbembe mbu |
| BOBO | bonne année |
| BOSNIAN | sretna nova godina |
| BRETON | bloavezh mat / bloavez mad |
| BULGARIAN | честита нова година (chestita nova godina) |
| BURMESE | hnit thit ku mingalar pa |
| CANTONESE | kung hé fat tsoi |
| CATALAN | bon any nou |
| CHINESE | xin nian kuai le / xin nian hao |
| CORSICAN | pace e salute |
| CROATIAN | sretna nova godina |
| CZECH | šťastný nový rok |
| DANISH | godt nytår |
| DUTCH | gelukkig Nieuwjaar |
| ESPERANTO | felicxan novan jaron feliæan novan jaron (Times SudEuro font) |
| ESTONIAN | head uut aastat |
| FAROESE | gott nýggjár |
| FINNISH | onnellista uutta vuotta |
| FLEMISH | gelukkig Nieuwjaar |
| FRENCH | bonne année |
| FRISIAN | lokkich neijier |
| FRIULAN | bon an |
| GALICIAN | feliz aninovo |
| GEORGIAN | გილოცავთ ახალ წელს (gilocavt akhal tsels) |
| GERMAN | ein gutes neues Jahr / prost Neujahr |
| GREEK | kali chronia / kali xronia eutichismenos o kainourgios chronos (we wish you a happy new year) |
| GUJARATI | sal mubarak |
| GUARANÍ | rogüerohory año nuévo-re |
| HAITIAN CREOLE | bònn ané |
| HAWAIIAN | hauoli makahiki hou |
| HEBREW | shana tova |
| HINDI | nav varsh ki subhkamna |
| HMONG | nyob zoo xyoo tshiab |
| HUNGARIAN | boldog új évet |
| ICELANDIC | farsælt komandi ár |
| INDONESIAN | selamat tahun baru |
| IRISH GAELIC | ath bhliain faoi mhaise |
| ITALIAN | felice anno nuovo, buon anno |
| JAVANESE | sugeng warsa enggal |
| JAPANESE | akemashite omedetô |
| KABYLIAN | asseguèsse-ameguèsse |
| KANNADA | hosa varshada shubhaashayagalu |
| KAZAKH | zhana zhiliniz kutti bolsin |
| KHMER | sur sdei chhnam thmei |
| KIRUNDI | umwaka mwiza |
| KOREAN | seh heh bok mani bat uh seyo |
| KURDE | sala we ya nû pîroz be |
| LAO | sabai di pi mai |
| LATIN | felix sit annus novus |
| LATVIAN | laimīgu Jauno gadu |
| LIGURIAN | feliçe annu nœvu / feliçe anno nêuvo |
| LINGALA | bonana / mbula ya sika elamu na tonbeli yo |
| LITHUANIAN | laimingų Naujųjų Metų |
| LOW SAXON | gelükkig nyjaar |
| LUXEMBOURGEOIS | e gudd neit Joër |
| MACEDONIAN | srekna nova godina |
| MALAGASY | arahaba tratry ny taona |
| MALAY | selamat tahun baru |
| MALTESE | is-sena t-tajba |
| MAORI | kia hari te tau hou |
| MARATHI | navin varshaachya hardik shubbheccha |
| MONGOLIAN | shine jiliin bayariin mend hurgeye (Шинэ жилийн баярын мэнд хvргэе) |
| MORÉ | wênd na kô-d yuum-songo |
| NORWEGIAN | godt nyttår |
| OCCITAN | bon annada |
| PERSIAN | sâle no mobârak |
| POLISH | szczęśliwego nowego roku |
| PORTUGUESE | feliz ano novo |
| ROMANCHE | bun di bun onn |
| ROMANI | bangi vasilica baxt |
| ROMANIAN | un an nou fericit / la mulţi ani |
| RUSSIAN | С Новым Годом (S novim godom) |
| SAMOAN | ia manuia le tausaga fou |
| SANGO | nzoni fini ngou |
| SARDINIAN | bonu annu nou |
| SCOTTISH GAELIC | bliadhna mhath ur |
| SERBIAN | srećna nova godina |
| SHIMAORE | mwaha mwema |
| SHONA | goredzwa rakanaka |
| SINDHI | nain saal joon wadhayoon |
| SINHALA | suba aluth avuruddak vewa |
| SLOVAK | stastlivy novy rok |
| SLOVENIAN | srečno novo leto |
| SOBOTA | dobir leto |
| SPANISH | feliz año nuevo |
| SRANAN | wan bun nyun yari |
| SWAHILI | mwaka mzuri / heri ya mwaka mpya |
| SWEDISH | gott nytt år |
| SWISS-GERMAN | es guets Nöis |
| TAGALOG | manigong bagong taon |
| TAHITIAN | ia orana i te matahiti api |
| TAMIL | iniya puthandu nalVazhthukkal |
| TATAR | yaña yıl belän |
| TELUGU | nuthana samvathsara subhakankshalu |
| THAI | สวัสดีปีใหม่ (sawatdii pimaï) |
| TIBETAN | tashi délek |
| TURKISH | yeni yiliniz kutlu olsun |
| UDMURT | Vyľ Aren |
| UKRAINIAN | Z novym rokom |
| URDU | naya saal mubarik |
| UZBEK | yangi yilingiz qutlug' bo'lsin |
| VIETNAMESE | Chúc Mừng Nǎm Mới / Cung Chúc Tân Niên / Cung Chúc Tân Xuân |
| WALOON ("betchfessîs" spelling) | bone annéye / bone annéye èt bone santéye |
| WELSH | blwyddyn newydd dda |
| WEST INDIAN CREOLE | bon lanné |
| WOLOF | dewenati |
| YIDDISH | a gut yohr |
Image 'Copyleft' by Carlos Latuff
In plain simple English, Palestinians are sick and tired of being bullied by outside forces. They have lived now for six decades as a dispossessed nation, for four of those decades under the most brutal occupation of the century.Narrowing Hamas’ horizons means one thing: Helping al-Qaida
Comment by Khalid Amayreh in Occupied East Jerusalem
The day when Israel, the West and puppet Arab regimes will be regretting their approach to Hamas may not be very far-off.
Israel and its guardian-ally, the US, along with despotic Arab regimes, calculate that the callous blockade of the Gaza Strip and systematic savaging of its 1.5 million human beings will eventually force Hamas to fall on its knees and cause many Palestinians to shun the movement.
However, in light of evidence accumulating through the years, the weakening of Hamas would more likely lead to the consolidation and strengthening of the al-Qaida among Palestinians, both as an ideology and an organization.
The unrelenting savaging of innocent Gazans, coupled with an affronting peace process under whose rubric Israel is building more settlements on occupied Arab land, is only preparing the most fertile ground for the growth of al Qaida.
This is why Osama Bin Laden’s recent statements that al-Qaida will intensify its operations in Palestine should be take very seriously.
Bin Laden seems to know what he is talking about. According to usually-reliable Palestinian sources, al-Qaida succeeded of late in recruiting hundreds of young Palestinians to its ranks, many of them erstwhile members of Hamas and Fatah.
One Gaza journalist described al-Qaida as “ constantly winning more hearts and minds.”
“Al-Qaida is telling potential recruits that the only way for salvation in this world and the hereafter is the way of al-Qaida and that Hamas made a grave mistake when it believed the western lie about democracy and that it is now paying the price for its naivety and blunder.”
In short, the misery that transcends every aspect of life in Gaza is the perfect environment conducive to the consolidation and growth of al-Qaida.
A few weeks ago, I asked Palestinian political analyst, Hani al Masri, if he thought that the weakening of Hamas would be good news for Fatah in the long run.
His answer was interesting.
Masri pointed out that the Palestinian arena would soon become a fertile soil for all kinds of radical organizations, not just al Qaida, since many Palestinians, religious and otherwise, would feel they had nothing to lose from engaging in an extended and uncompromising political program.
“A serious weakening of Hamas would have far-reaching consequences, with the main ramification being the exodus of thousands, perhaps tens of thousands of erstwhile Hamas’ supporters, to al-Qaida.”
Abdul Sattar Qassem, Professor of Political Science at the Najah University in Nablus, believes most Palestinians who might shun Hamas (because of its perceived moderation) wouldn’t join Fatah or similar factions.
“Some of them might join Fatah,” he argued, “ but the vast majority wouldn’t because Fatah’s way of thinking and behavior doesn’t attract them. These people are religious and are well-inculcated in religious doctrine, and it would be difficult for them to join Fatah and retain their religiousness.
“Al-Qaida would be their natural destination.”
Israel, the West and certain Arab regimes think that an implosion of Hamas’s house will enable Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas to capitulate to Israeli hegemony without having to worry about a serious Palestinian opposition to his rule.
However, this thinking is misleading and very short-sighted. Today, the Palestinian society is very much experiencing a state of frozen rage resembling the days and weeks preceding the outbreak of the Aqsa intifada in the fall of 2000.
Indeed, a general examination of the prevailing mood in the Main Palestinian street reveals that the outbreak of a new uprising is only a matter of time. The frozen rage can simply go off anytime. Palestinian forbearance seems to have reached its limits.
However, unlike the previous two uprisings, the new intifada would witness the active appearance of a new un-Orthodox player, namely the al-Qaida organization, with its ideological nihilism, fearlessness and unmatched radicalism.
In the short run, an effective, high-profile presence of al Qaida in the occupied Palestinian territories might provide an unprecedented asset for Israel, especially from the propagandistic view point. It would also provide the Zionist state with a ready-made, plausible and effective excuse to take even more draconian measures against the Palestinian population.
Hence, it is not out of question that Israel, for its own strategic reasons, may well be interested in seeing al-Qaida gain a certain foothold in the West Bank and Gaza.
But in the long run, Israel, too, stands to lose. Israel can’t fight al-Qaida using the same tactics it has been employing against Hamas. Al-Qaida pays very little attention to public opinion and has nothing to lose in terms of a civilian apparatus—because it has none. Moreover, al-Qaida has no MPs or political activists whom Israel can round up and throw in jail, nor does it have charities and other institutions which the Israeli army can close down.
Indeed, al-Qaida, a secret and secretive organization, would be much more immune to Israeli retaliations than is Hamas, a generally pragmatic organization that pays attention to the balance of power and wouldn’t cross certain red lines in its low-combustion confrontation with Israel.
This means that al-Qaida would be freer and bolder than Hamas in attacking mainly Israeli civilian targets, using suicide bombings.
Some Palestinian leaders predict that should al-Qaida succeed in gaining a real foothold in the occupied Palestinian territories, not only Israelis would be targeted, but Palestinians as well, probably including Hamas itself.
“We are talking about a nihilistic organization which believes in open-ended confrontation until the Day of Judgment,” one Hamas leader intimated to this writer.
“Al Qaida views all those opposing, even differing with its ideology, as enemies that ought to be liquidated. I wouldn’t even rule out the possibility that al-Qaida would detonate car-bombs in the heart of Palestinian cities in order to spread terror in the hearts of those who might dare oppose its ways.”
Jordan, which has large concentrations of Palestinians, also stands to sufferer immensely as a result of the mushrooming of al-Qaida in the occupied Palestinian territories.
Then, numerous Palestinians wouldn’t stand idle watching their brothers in faith across the River Jordan being scuttled and decimated by Israel, the US and treasonous Arab regimes that are at Israel’s and America’s beck and call. Hence, suicide bombings and similar acts of terror might then turn Jordan’s present political and economic stability upside down.
Egypt, too, would suffer, and no amount of security precautions would prevent determined and frustrated al-Qadia militants from targeting the soft-underbelly of the Egyptian economy, namely Egypt’s tourism industry.
This is more than just a prophecy of doom and gloom, for the writing is already on the wall for those who are willing to see.
This week, the collective Palestinian frustration reached unprecedented levels when hundreds of helpless Palestinian pilgrims returning from Mecca, having performed the Haj pilgrimage in Saudi Arabia, were kept stranded like livestock at the Egyptian port of Nwebie’.
The Egyptian authorities reportedly were still refusing to allow them to return to their homes in Gaza via the Rafah border crossing. The pilgrims refuse to go through an Israeli-controlled border-crossing, fearing arrest and torture and lengthy imprisonment for their suspected affiliation with Hamas.
Meanwhile, Israel keeps murdering Palestinians in large numbers and is expanding Jewish settlements while PA leaders, like wide-eyed imbeciles, are watching helplessly, not knowing what to do, apart from imploring Condoleezza Rice to pressure Olmert to respect the Annapolis spirit.
Well, who is then pushing the Palestinians to join the ranks of al-Qaida?
(Ben Heine © Cartoons)
BENAZIR BHUTTO ~~ THE RELUCTANT 'MARTYR' Benazir Bhutto's father, former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was removed from office following a military coup in 1977 led by the then military chief General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, who imposed martial law but promised to hold elections within three months. But later, instead of fulfilling the promise of holding general elections, General Zia charged Mr. Bhutto with conspiring to murder the father of dissident politician Ahmed Raza Kasuri. Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was sentenced to death by the martial law court.
Despite the accusation being "widely doubted by the public", and despite many clemency appeals from foreign leaders, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was hanged on 4 April 1979. Appeals for clemency were dismissed by acting President General Zia. Benazir Bhutto and her mother were held in a "police camp" until the end of May, after the execution.
In 1985, Benazir Bhutto's brother Shahnawaz was killed under suspicious circumstances in France. The killing of another of her brothers, Mir Murtaza, in 1996, contributed to destabilizing her second term as Prime Minister. Source
Yesterday, Benazir's son and husband took over the reins of the Pakistan People's Party. Looking at the name of the political party, one wonders if Bhutto Family Party might not be a more fitting one.
Benazir Bhutto's political motives have always been questionable. *She was an inconsistent democrat at best, and a willing tool of US imperialism, repeatedly making conciliatory gestures to a discredited military regime when she could afford to take a stand against it. *Source
She was also considered to be a friend of Israel. It is for these reasons that I question her motivation and question also if she is in fact a martyr, who or what did she die for?
(Ben Heine © Cartoons)

Image by Ismael Shammout
There's no other way to put it.... Egypt is literally under the control of its zionist neighbours. Over a thousand observant Muslims are being punished for going on a pilgrimage (Hajj) to Mecca.

Women in Black protesting in Jerusalem Friday. (Tomer Neuberg/Jini)

(Ben Heine © Cartoons)

Over two thousand Muslims returning from their Pilgrimage to Mecca are being prevented from returning home to gaza... not by Israel, but by their ally Egypt.Hamas Islamists called on Egypt on Saturday to open its shuttered border crossing with the Gaza Strip to let more than 2,000 Palestinians return to their Gaza homes from the annual haj pilgrimage in Mecca.
Hamas, which controls Gaza, is demanding that Egypt reopen the Rafah crossing to allow the pilgrims to pass directly into the coastal territory rather than force them to pass through Israeli border posts first.
Hamas fears Israel will arrest wanted militants among the pilgrims.
Hamas officials estimated that 2,200 Gaza pilgrims were stranded on ships at an Egyptian port on the Red Sea.
Israel believes some of the militants may be carrying money for Hamas and other groups.
"We are aware of the Israeli and American pressures on Egypt, and we urge Egypt to reject these pressures and to allow the pilgrims a safe return through Rafah," Hamas official Sami Abu Zuhri told a news conference.
Hamas said a 62-year-old woman who fell ill died aboard one of the ships, which have been stranded for a second day.
Abu Zuhri said the Gaza pilgrims have rejected Egyptian demands that they agree to return through Israeli-controlled crossings.
Egyptian officials had no immediate comment.
Israel and the United States are pressing Egypt to do more to prevent the smuggling of guns, explosives and funds into the Gaza Strip.
Egypt has rejected Israeli complaints about the smuggling, accusing Israel of trying to distract attention from settlement.
Earlier in the month, about 2,200 pilgrims heading for Mecca crossed from Gaza into Egypt through Rafah.
(Ben Heine © Cartoons)

The Plight of Bethlehem
Why Christians can't visit the holy shrines in Jerusalem.
BY KENNETH L. WOODWARD
A mere nine kilometers separates Bethlehem, where Jesus was born, from Jerusalem, where he was crucified, died and was buried. Pilgrims can easily visit both the Church of the Nativity and the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in half a day--as long as they are not Palestinian Christians. Israel's security wall, its restrictive exit permit system, roadblocks and military checkpoints now make it impossible for most Holy Land Christians to visit the shrines that, for all Christians, make the Holy Land holy.
Like East Jerusalem, Bethlehem is part of the West Bank, not the State of Israel. Temporary exit visas to go from one to the other to worship--or see a doctor or even visit relatives--are hard to come by, of brief duration even when granted, and always subject to the whims of Israeli soldiers.
The squeeze is economic as well as religious. Few producers in Bethlehem can get their goods to markets in Jerusalem. Fewer buyers can get to Bethlehem to sustain its markets. Tourism, a huge segment of the city's economy, is up since 2004, but it is still far from robust.
When last I was in Bethlehem, in 2000, an average of more than 91,000 tourists visited the city monthly. This year, the average is half that number. When buses do arrive, tourists are routinely whisked in and out without time to shop. As a consequence, nearly 100 hotels and restaurants have closed since my last visit. More than 250 workshops that made olive wood crèches, mother-of-pearl crosses and other religious souvenirs have disappeared too. And so, of course, have many of the stores that sold them. In sum, where Bethlehem once enjoyed one of the lowest urban unemployment rates in the Holy Land, it now has one of the highest--by some estimates as much as 60%.
Recently on a visit, former British prime minister Tony Blair tried to boost tourism to Bethlehem, even though his own country, like the U.S., discourages its citizens from traveling there. He also called on Israel, which bans its own citizens from traveling to the West Bank, to ease its restrictions.
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For example, the wall is being completed around Beit Jala, separating this Christian village from 70% of its lands, which are mostly owned by Christian families. Some of the families are attempting to contest the confiscations in court, but construction--and the confiscation--goes on.
In Bethlehem itself, the wall severs the city from nearly three-fourths of its western villages' remaining agricultural lands, as well as water resources that have served the region since Roman times. This area contains much of Bethlehem's remaining room for development and its nature reserve, where city dwellers took their children.
From the Church of the Nativity, Christians can also look out on Har Homa ("Wall Mountain"), a verdant Jewish settlement on a hillside that was formerly Christian land. Since the Annapolis, Md., meeting just a few weeks ago, the Israelis have approved construction on 300 additional homes--despite an official complaint from U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice--that further constrict the city's population.
Unfortunately, many Christians in the Holy Land have no legal recourse to this absorption of their lands and property. As part of the 1993 treaty between Israel and the Vatican, by which the Holy See officially recognized the State of Israel, Israel was to codify the rights of Christian churches and institutions as part of a comprehensive agreement. But because of disputes over taxation of churches and related issues, the Knesset has yet to act. The Franciscans, the Sisters of Charity and other religious groups both Roman Catholic and Greek Orthodox have had property confiscated and Christian housing destroyed.
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Palestinian Christians regard their ancestors as the first Christians, and no doubt some of them were. They call themselves the "living stones" of Biblical Christianity, preserving ancient communities and traditions in the midst of repeated armed conflicts. They deserve to keep their land and work for "peace on earth, goodwill toward men."
In this crisis they deserve the support of all Americans, not just Christians. And not just at Christmas.
Mr. Woodward is a contributing editor at Newsweek.
Inflammatory Bethlehem Column in Wall Street Journal
by Ricki Hollander, Alex Safian, PhD
In late December every year the media carries articles or Op-Eds reworking "the Bethlehem Formula" where "Israel’s critics describe the impact of Israeli security measures on the city’s current residents without describing why these measures are in place." Key items usually ignored include the campaign of violence that prompted Israeli security measures in the first place, including construction of the security barrier, the number of suicide attacks emanating from Bethlehem, and the intimidation of Christians in Palestinian society at the hands of the Muslim majority.
This year is no different, with Israel-bashing Christmas columns appearing in an array of newspapers and magazines. One of the most disturbing, perhaps, is the muddled and distorted Dec. 24th Op-Ed by Kenneth Woodward, a contributing editor at Newsweek and formerly the magazine’s religion editor, which was published on the generally well-vetted Op-Ed page of the Wall Street Journal. "The Plight of Bethlehem," is so filled with falsehoods and far-fetched claims, one wonders whether the regular Op-Ed editors were on vacation.
Woodward, who admits in his column that he hasn’t actually been to Bethlehem in seven years, begins by claiming Israel’s security measures "make it impossible" for Christians to visit their holy shrines. But this is clearly false according to Lt.-Col. Kamil Wahabee, commander of the IDF’s Bethlehem District Coordinating Office. The Israeli government lifted a general prohibition on Israeli civilians visiting the West Bank without a permit in order to allow Israeli Arabs to visit family in the West Bank over the holiday season. And eight thousand Christians from Bethlehem alone have been granted travel permits, while Israel will allow 500 Christians from the Gaza Strip to enter Israel and the West Bank for up to one month during the Christmas season. (AP, "Israel Eases Bethlehem Christmas Travel ," Dec. 18, 2007)
True to formula, Woodward does not bother to discuss the reason security measures are in place. In fact, he only mentions Israel’s security concerns in order to dismiss them with an artificial and illogical cause and effect:
Israel, of course, must protect its security. But it cannot blame the Christians’ dire circumstances on the second intifada: Muslims are suffering just as much as the tiny Christian minority.
The security barrier was built as a result of the deadly suicide bombings and shooting attacks by various terrorist groups in the West Bank during the second Palestinian intifada. In the just-over two years between December 2001 and February 2004, 16 suicide bombings were planned, dispatched from or carried out by operatives in the Bethlehem area alone. Over 80 people were killed and nearly 500 wounded in those attacks--many of them bus bombings that claimed dozens of lives in nearby Jerusalem. (See, for example: Suicide bombing terrorism during the current Israeli-Palestinian confrontation.)
Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and Fatah Tanzim and Al Aqsa Martyr’s Brigade all operated from Bethlehem. Since one of their primary targets was Jerusalem, this is hardly surprising, since as Woodard himself points out, "a mere nine kilometers separates Bethlehem" from Jerusalem.
Indeed, a few years ago a Hamas suicide-bomb factory was even discovered near Manger Square, just yards from the Church of the Nativity compound (Washington Post, May 5, 2002; Associated Press, May 4, 2002 ). And since the erection of the barrier, there has been a drastic reduction (90%) in the number of suicide bombings emanating from the Bethlehem area.
Was Woodward unaware of these facts – or did he just choose to leave them out? Either way, the omission underscores the ill-founded nature of his charges.
In the first years of the Second intifada, there were also hundreds of shooting attacks from Beit Jala into the Jerusalem neighborhood of Gilo by Palestinian Muslims who had taken over the homes of Christian residents of the village to launch their attacks. Only after Israel stepped up its security measures in that area, did the shooting stop.
Those Christians who tried to stop the Muslim gunmen from using their property to fire into Gilo later reported that they had been beaten or threatened by the gunmen. ( Jerusalem Post, "Away From the Manger - a Christian-Muslim Divide," Oct.21, 2005) It is this sort of persecution of Christians by Palestinian Muslims that is the primary cause for Christian flight – an inconvenient truth that does not fit into Woodward’s holiday diatribe.
Also ignored by Woodward is why Muslim gunmen choose to attack Israel from Christian – or formerly Christian towns – like Bethlehem or Beit Jala, when nearby Muslim towns would serve just as well. There are two main reasons: First, because any Israeli effort to stop the attacks is sure to provoke ill-informed screeds like Woodward’s, especially if Israel damages a church by mistake. And two, because when peaceful Christian residents flee their homes due to the resulting hostilities, Muslim families can move in and occupy their homes and land.
In fact, these sorts of land grabs and attacks on Christians by Muslims grew so bad that several of Bethlehem’s Christian families appealed to PA Chairman Mahmoud Abbas, Vatican Church leaders and European governments, all of whom ignored the complaints. The Jerusalem Post’s Palestinian affairs correspondent, Khaled Abu Toameh, interviewed the families who say that "many Christians have long been afraid to complain in public about the campaign of intimidation for fear of retaliation by their Muslim neighbors and being branded ‘collaborators’ with Israel." ("Bethlehem Christians Fear Neighbors," Jerusalem Post, Jan. 25, 2007)
For example, Abu Toameh reports the case of Fuad and Georgette Lama who discovered their six dunam property in Bethlehem had been seized by Muslims from a nearby village. When they turned to PA security officers to help them recover their land, the officers took money from them and then decided to keep the land for themselves, destroying the olive trees and subdividing the land for sale. According to Abu Toameh:
"Unfortunately Christian leaders and spokesmen are afraid to talk about the problems we are facing [the Lamas said]. We know of three other Christian families - Salameh, Kawwas and Asfour - whose lands were also illegally seized by Muslims."
A Christian businessman who asked not to be identified said the conditions of Christians in Bethlehem and its surroundings had deteriorated ever since the area was handed over to the PA in 1995.
"Every day we hear of another Christian family that has immigrated to the US Canada or Latin America he said. The Christians today make up less than 15 percent of the population.
People are running away because the Palestinian government isn't doing anything to protect them and their property against Muslim thugs. Of course not all the Muslims are responsible but there is a general feeling that Christians have become easy prey."
Aaron Klein of World Net Daily similarly reports that Christian leaders and residents say "they face an atmosphere of regular hostility" with "Palestinian armed groups stir[ring] tension by holding militant demonstrations and marches in the streets," attacks on Christian homes, and "Christian shopkeepers' stores ransacked." He gives the example of how Samir Qumsiyeh, a Bethlehem Christian leader and owner of the Beit Sahour-based private al-Mahd TV station was targeted by Islamic gangs, "his home was firebombed after he returned from a trip abroad during which he gave public speeches outlining the plight of Bethlehem's Christian population." ("Silent Fright," World Net Daily, Dec. 23, 2007)
But none of this is mentioned in Woodward’s column. Instead, there are questionable statistics and ludicrous claims of the security barrier severing "water resources that served the region since Roman Times" (Is there no running water in Bethlehem? Do Bethlehem residents still obtain their water in buckets from wells, access to which is cut off by the barrier?) and Israeli construction on Har Homa, which he describes as "a verdant Jewish settlement on a hillside that was formerly Christian land." In fact, the vast majority of land upon which Har Homa, a Jewish neighborhood of Jerusalem, was built was Jewish-owned, not Christian or Muslim owned.
The real question is why did the Wall Street Journal allow Woodward’s sloppy anti-Israel rant to serve as its holiday column?
(For further background on the status of Christians in the Middle East see also "New York Times Omits Major Reason Christians are Leaving Bethlehem" and "Reuters Fails to Root Out Facts on Palestinian Christians". )
(Ben Heine © Cartoons)

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| Jalal al-Hremy hugs his 10-year-old daughter Samaher after the two were reunited after Samaher was denied entry to Bethlehem because she was registered with her deceased grandmother's ID, Bethlehem, 26 December 2007. (Luay Sababa/MaanImages) |
Osama bin Laden is Dead
Who murdered Benazir Bhutto?
Murdered by intelligence agency
supported terrorists
Her death has incited unrest across Pakistan, with activists of her party, the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), taking to the streets. Violence overnight is thought to have left at least a further dozen people dead. President Pervez Musharraf has called for a three-day period of national mourning, while leaders around the world have condemned the murder of Pakistan's ostensibly pro-democratic, pro-western champion. It is still unclear which fragment of the country's shattered and bleak political landscape is responsible for the attack; while Islamist, anti-American militants remain the most likely culprits, many in Pakistan - especially PPP supporters - blame the Musharraf government itself.
With international scrutiny once again fixed on Pakistan, a number of issues demand greater attention amidst the fall-out of Bhutto's murder.
Already, Bhutto's death is swallowed in the sound and fury of the "war on terrorism". Musharraf and Pakistani officials have blamed her murder on Islamist militants, just as they justified November's emergency rule on the threat posed by jihadists. So too have governments around the world - including those in Washington and New Delhi - used today's tragic events to urge more vigorous action against terrorists.
Terrorism in Pakistan and elsewhere must be tackled head-on. But the killing of Benazir Bhutto amounts to more than the martyring of a modern democrat by the forces of intolerance and extremism. In the coming weeks, one cannot afford to lose sight of the specifics of Pakistani politics - darker and more difficult though they may be - in the face of casual over-simplification.
Image 'Copyleft' by Carlos Latuff

Click to view caption |
| Hamas members walk through the streets of Gaza few days before the movement took over the city in June (photo: AFP) |
2007 has not been an ordinary year for Palestinians and their enduring cause. It witnessed a mini-civil war between Fatah and Hamas, a short-lived government of national unity, followed by a brief but bloody showdown in Gaza that ended with Hamas taking over the coastal strip. For its part, Fatah retaliated by establishing its own separate authority in Ramallah and instigating a vindictive and widespread inquisition against Hamas supporters and institutions in the West Bank.
Towards the year's end, another "peace conference" sponsored by the United States took place in Annapolis, Maryland. However, like numerous prior peace conferences and initiatives, the Annapolis meeting, despite its initial fanfare and euphoria, carried little promise for genuine peace in Palestine. And as always, the reason was Israel's adamant refusal to end its decades-old occupation of Palestinian territories, particularly Arab-East Jerusalem.
The harsh financial, economic and political sanctions imposed by Israel and the West on the Palestinian Authority (PA) following Hamas's electoral victory in January 2006 continued to devastate the Palestinian economy and living conditions in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in 2007. Draconian sanctions soon paralysed the Hamas government's ability to pay regular salaries for over 165,000 employees and civil servants.
This, coupled with Israel's refusal to release Palestinian tax revenues levied as tariffs on Palestinian imports passing through Israeli seaports, created an implosive situation, especially in Gaza. Rampant poverty and a haunting sense of claustrophobia tempted Fatah to destabilise Hamas through a host of disruptive tactics, such as instigating demonstrations, organising strikes, and vandalising public property.
Eventually, mounting tension between Fatah and Hamas culminated in open street battles, with each painting the other as responsible. Infighting in 2007 killed as many as 350 Palestinians. In retrospect, the near tribal confrontation between the two largest Palestinian political organisations seemed inevitable given the active interference of the United States in internal Palestinian affairs.
Indeed, through its security "envoy" to the PA, General Keith Dayton, a visibly rabid Bush administration did everything possible to ignite the flames of civil war between Hamas and Fatah, transferring large amounts of cash and weapons to former Fatah security chief Mohamed Dahlan, ostensibly in preparation for military insurrection against the Hamas government.
Truckloads of high-velocity rifles, machineguns, night-vision equipment and other military hardware were seen on several occasions crossing into the Gaza Strip from Israel. At one point, Hamas said it seized a truckload of weapons that was en route to a PA security headquarters in Gaza. Hamas asked PA President Mahmoud Abbas for an explanation, but none was forthcoming. Infighting continued intermittently in Gaza in the first few weeks of 2007 as Egyptian General Intelligence Chief Omar Suleiman and his lieutenants sought laboriously to bring it to a halt. However, ceasefire agreements were violated as soon as they were signed, a clear indication that certain people were hell-bent on expediting a decisive showdown. Hamas accused former Fatah strongman in Gaza Dahlan of standing at the helm of the "coup-mongers", an accusation that seemed to carry more than a modicum of veracity. Indeed, American officials -- in addition to the Western media -- pointed out on numerous occasions that Dahlan was being used by as a pawn to destabilise Hamas's rule and hopefully bring it down entirely.
Fatah retorted by attacking Hamas and accusing it of subservience to Iran and of harbouring Shia loyalties. These insinuations were more rhetorical than real and were essentially aimed to incite the Arab masses against Hamas, an authentic religious Sunni movement. More seriously, Fatah militiamen in Gaza carried out a series of assassinations targeting Hamas politicians as well as university professors and religious scholars. In February, delegations from Fatah and Hamas travelled to Mecca for national reconciliation talks. The Saudi-mediated talks eventually yielded the "Mecca Accord" signed under the auspices of Saudi King Abdullah on 8 February. According to the accord, both Hamas and Fatah agreed to form a government of national unity that would seek to negotiate a final peace settlement with Israel pursuant UN resolutions. In the accord, Hamas agreed to "honour" outstanding agreements between the Palestine Liberation Organisation and Israel, which tacitly implied recognition of Israel. For its part, Hamas denied that the use of the word "honour" implied recognition of Israel, saying the issue was a religious and moral redline that Hamas would never cross. The Mecca Accord sought to resolve this knot by stipulating that only the ministers of national unity governments -- not their respective political factions -- would be committed to upholding prior agreements with Israel.
Hamas and Fatah thereafter formed a national unity government. However, as the West -- especially the United States -- and Israel kept sanctions intact, disharmony reappeared and sporadic but bloody clashes between the two militias continued, eventually evolving into an all-out war with no holds barred. Infighting escalated sharply on 14 June as Hamas's Executive Force and Fatah security agencies -- superior in numbers and armaments but inferior in quality and motivation -- fought for control of Gaza. The fighting, lasting for 10 days, ended with Hamas routing Fatah and taking control of erstwhile PA security headquarters in Gaza.
Outraged by "the bloody coup" against Palestinian "legitimacy", Abbas immediately dismissed the national unity government headed by Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh and appointed a de facto emergency government in Ramallah headed by Salam Fayyad, a former finance minister favoured by the US and Europe. In principle, the Ramallah government was illegal and illegitimate, as testified by scholars of constitutional law who prepared Palestinian basic law. However, Abbas and the Fatah movement were in no mood to discuss constitutionality in light of the "Hamas coup" in Gaza.
For its part, Hamas denied the accusation of a coup, arguing that it embodied Palestinian legitimacy since it came to power via the ballot box, not by decree or violent revolution. Moreover, Hamas leaders in Gaza told Al-Ahram Weekly on several occasions that the Palestinian Islamic movement had to act swiftly to thwart a real coup against the democratically elected government, backed and financed by the Americans.
Hamas politician Yehia Moussa told the Weekly : "what were we supposed to do? What would anyone have done in such circumstances, seeing Dahlan and Dayton sharpening their knives and preparing to decapitate us?" Abbas didn't stop at bringing down the national unity government and neutralising the Hamas-dominated Palestinian parliament. He also ordered his forces, beefed up by fresh American weapons, to wage a widespread campaign against Hamas throughout the West Bank. The campaign targeted Hamas's social, charitable, educational, cultural and even religious institutions, many of which were thoroughly vandalised.
Further, nearly 3,000 Hamas political leaders and activists were arrested, with many of them harshly tortured. This inquisition wouldn't have been possible had it not been for active security coordination between PA-Fatah forces and the Israeli occupation army. Fatah gunmen killed several Hamas supporters and Hamas's political and cultural activities were effectively banned.
In December, the Fatah-backed Minister of Religious Endowments Jamal Bawatneh issued a decree closing down all zakat (alms) committees in the West Bank. Bawatneh sought to justify the decision by arguing that the charities needed to be reformed. It was clear to many, however, that the main purpose of the decree was to stamp out Hamas's influence over these committees. Gleeful at Palestinian schism and national disunity, Israel and the US hastened to back the Ramallah-based authority of Abbas. Israel agreed to unfreeze some of the Palestinian tax revenue money withheld in order to "strengthen Abbas". Similarly, the US and European states resumed financial aide to the Salam Fayyad government. Citing the Hamas takeover of Gaza, Israel -- possibly in collusion with the US and the Ramallah regime -- on 19 September 2007 declared the Gaza Strip a "hostile entity", imposing a hermetic blockade on the densely populated and thoroughly impoverished territory. The blockade, unprecedented in its ruthlessness and harshness, brought 1.4 million Gazans to the brink of starvation with dozens of ill Palestinians dying because of a dearth of medicine.
Additionally, Israel decided to significantly reduce fuel and electricity supplies to Gaza, apparently to force Gazans to revolt against Hamas. Further, Israel generally barred Gazans from either leaving or returning to the Strip, which also caused tremendous distress to tens of thousands of students, patients seeking medical care abroad, as well as ordinary Palestinians. Some reports from Gaza described the situation as "very similar to Warsaw Ghetto" and as "a slow-motion genocide". On 13 December, and in a rare foray into politics, the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC) harshly condemned Israeli policies against Palestinians. "Palestinians continuously face hardship in simply going about their lives; they are prevented from doing what makes up the daily fabric of most people's existence. The Palestinian territories face a deep human crisis, where millions of people are denied their human dignity. Not once in a while, but every day," an ICRC report stated.
The ICRC report also highlighted Israel's economic stranglehold on Gaza and its system of roadblocks that has divided the West Bank into disconnected cantons, cutting farmers off from their lands and preventing free movement. Concomitant with the virtual humanitarian and economic meltdown in Gaza, Israeli and the PA leaders held a plethora of high-profile meetings aimed at reaching a broad common understanding of how a final status settlement of the enduring conflict would look. However, the numerous meetings, often accompanied with high-expectations and propped up by highlighted visits to the region by US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, failed to reach any agreement as Israel continued to refuse to commit itself to ending the 40-year-old military occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem. Eventually, Israeli and Palestinian leaders did attend the American-hosted peace conference in Annapolis, Maryland, which most Arab commentators and observers described as a resounding failure, some of them applying to it the famous Arab proverb, "the mountain went into labour, but gave birth to a rat." Though such epithets may carry an air of exaggeration, Israel and the PA continue to be as far apart from each other on core issues as they were before the Annapolis conference. The two sides did agree to commence talks that would lead to a final status settlement based on the now-revived American-backed "roadmap" plan. However, the two sides do not share a common understanding or interpretation of the American plan, which could cause the rupture of talks sooner rather than later. For example, Israel does not consider East Jerusalem part of the West Bank, and insists that pledges made by President Bush to former Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon be treated as part and parcel of the roadmap.
Israel also continues to build hundreds of "for Jews only" settler units all over the West Bank, especially in and around Arab East Jerusalem. Similarly, Israel insists that in the context of a final status agreement with Palestinians, the future Palestinian entity would have to recognise Israel as a "Jewish state" of the Jewish people everywhere -- a clear allusion that non-Jewish Israelis have no permanent right to residency, let alone equality.
As to the PA leadership, it is clear that it is negotiating from a position of critical weakness, not only because of the enduring rift with Hamas, which is likely to persist for sometime, but mainly due to American and Israeli pressure on Abbas. The Weekly has been struggling in vain to obtain from PA and Fatah leaders in Ramallah a coherent and credible answer for the following question: What strategic alternatives does the PA have in case negotiations with Israel hit a dead end?
Alternatives there must be. The failure of talks with Israel, which is more than expected, may very well lead to the collapse of the PA itself, in which case all parties concerned would return to square one. Such an ominous event would be the best news ever for radical forces on both sides, including for the United States and its strategy of "creative chaos" in the so-called "Greater Middle East".
Source
Killings... killings and more killings.... much like the set of a Robert de Nero movie, in other words.... unbelievable.
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| At his funeral, Mahmoud Abu Taha’s mother, Umm Hani, and sister Asma’a hold pictures of the young man who died en route to an Israeli hospital (Photo M. Omer). | |
Frail, a mere ghost of a youth, 20-year-old Mahmoud Abu Taha lay listlessly in a Gaza hospital room, nurses helpless to assist. The strain of his illness and uncertain future was etched on the faces of his family members who surrounded his bed.
Diagnosed with colon cancer earlier this year, the young man’s life had been taken over by the disease. Merely raising his head or speaking required all his energy. “It hurts,” he whispered when asked how he’s doing. “I feel pain in every part of my body.”
Having lost one-third of his body weight in the months since his diagnosis, Abu Taha was unable to walk or stand. The lack of vitamins, essential nutrients and medications in Gaza due to the closure of its borders meant that even the most basic treatments are unavailable to him. In August doctors discovered that the cancer had spread to his small intestines.
The U.S.- and EU-backed and Israeli-enforced siege of Gaza continues to devastate the healthcare system, depriving hospitals and clinics of medications, supplies and equipment—not to mention the absence of basic necessities such as food, water and electricity, denied to all Gazans. Those who require medical care must seek treatment in Egypt, Jordan or Israel, with Israel being the closest. Regardless of their destination, however, all must overcome one major obstacle: permission from Israel to leave Gaza.
The first attempt by aid workers, physicians, and Abu Taha’s friends and family members to secure papers for the chronically ill youth failed because, according to an Israeli army official, he had been deemed a “security risk.” Two subsequent attempts also failed, with no explanation given.
Of course, the denial of passage for critically ill Palestinians represents the norm rather than the exception to Israeli control of Gaza’s borders. According to a coordinator with the Palestinian Ministry of Health, six such patients currently are awaiting Israeli permission to leave Gaza for medical treatment. Most have cancer or require heart surgery, but one is a young girl whose neck was broken in a car accident. She has been denied passage to a hospital with a trauma unit.
“At least three patients denied exit permits have died since June,” a spokesperson for Human Rights Watch noted, “and others have lost limbs or sight.”
But Abu Taha’s family refused to give up. A fourth attempt finally yielded the necessary papers and permits from the Israeli Army Coordination and Liaison Administration at Erez Crossing to transfer the teen to Tel HaShomer hospital in Tel Aviv—a mere hour’s drive away.
On Oct. 18, 2007, their papers in order, Abu Taha’s 58-year-old father, Kamal, accompanied his son in an ambulance to the Erez Crossing. All appeared to be proceeding well when, after a half-hour wait, the father heard his name called over the loudspeaker. Mahmoud’s brother Hani continued the saga.
“My brother continued to wait, lying on a stretcher receiving a transfusion and hooked up to an oxygen tank in the ambulance,” Hani said. “After two hours, the loudspeaker announced he was denied entry into Israel.”
Forced to turn around, the ambulance transporting its young cancer patient returned to the hospital in Gaza. Mahmoud’s father, however, was detained at Erez. A few days later, Hani received a phone call informing him that their father had been arrested by Shin Bet. Palestinian sources have since confirmed that Kamal Abu Taha was transferred to Israel’s Ashkelon prison. No reason for his arrest was given.
Another cancer patient’s father had a similar experience. When Mohammad Al Najjar’s 20-year-old daughter’s condition recently worsened and he attempted to escort her to Tel Aviv’s Ichilov Hospital, where she previously had been treated, the Israeli army official at Erez conditioned their passage on the father’s becoming a collaborator for the Israeli military. He refused, and his daughter was denied entry to Israel and the medical attention she needed.
Meanwhile, Mahmoud’s time continued to run out. “I want to live,” the young man pleaded, his voice wavering under the strain. “I don’t want to die.”
Finally, on Oct. 29, his family received assurances from the Israelis that Mahmoud would be allowed to pass through Erez. When the ambulance transporting him once again arrived at the Israeli-controlled border, however, it was kept waiting for eight hours, according to a spokesperson for Physicians for Human Rights.
When it finally was allowed to cross into Israel, it was too late to save the young Palestinian’s life. Mahmoud Abu Taha died en route to the hospital—having spent his final weeks of life suffering not only because of his disease, but from the political whims of a hostile and inhumane occupier.—M.O.
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| At a post office in Gaza, a Palestinian Authority employee receives his much-needed salary (Photo M. Omer). | |
A PLUME OF smoke, its scent redolent of roasted apples, wafts out the paneless window into the autumn air. A rhythmic bubbling can be heard as 47-year-old Abu Khaled inhales from the ornate hookah set beside him. As he exhales deeply, his heavy eyes watch the latest snakelike plume follow its predecessor. Once a man of action, today he simply sits, sentenced by political maneuvering to a sedentary existence and lamenting the life he until recently led.
Prior to June of this year, Abu Khaled worked as a security officer at Gaza’s border crossings. Walkie-talkie in hand, he bustled between the operations room, gates and terminals, shouting orders, checking identifications and maintaining order. Today he idles his day away channel surfing his TV and keeping up with current events on the Internet. He would rather work, yet today civil servants in Gaza receive wages from the U.S.-backed Palestinian government in Ramallah on one condition: that they not work.
A few weeks after Hamas came to power in January 2006 elections, Israel and Washington imposed an international boycott on the new, democratically elected government. Eighteen months later, having failed to topple Hamas, U.S.- and Israeli-funded and trained Fatah militia attempted a coup. While Fatah gained control of the West Bank, Gaza remained under the control of Hamas.
The American and Israeli governments began funneling cash and support to Fatah, led by President Mahmoud Abbas, and declared the elected Hamas government illegitimate. Declaring Gaza a “hostile entity,” Israel proceeded to increase its pressure. Tactics have included sealing Gaza’s borders, Israeli military incursions and regular bombings, the cutting off of water and electricity, bank closures, and cutting off aid.
Ramallah’s latest anti-Hamas tactic is to pay government employees not to work, while providing them a small stipend to compensate for 18 months of unpaid wages. Those who continue to work at hospitals, schools, police stations and other public institutions have their wages withheld.
The result of this strategy was quickly apparent. Commerce skidded to a halt, inflation soared, and the most basic necessities of life virtually disappeared from this 23-mile strip of land, home to 1.5 million people, of whom 68 percent are under the age of 18. An atmosphere of fear enveloped Gaza.
“Why should I work?” asked Abu Khaled in a hushed voice, looking around to ensure no one could hear him. “I support our leader, President Abbas. If I work under Hamas, my salary will be cut off by the Ramallah-based government.”
Abu Khaled, who declined to reveal his full name, personifies the anxiety shared by most Fatah loyalists in Gaza. By not working, the idle security guard could get in trouble with Hamas. On the other hand, he at least receives compensation. Officials estimate that 55,000 Gazans currently are being paid not to work. Some do it out of loyalty to Fatah, others out of fear or necessity.
Healthcare providers face a unique dilemma. Their choice whether or not to work can literally be a matter of life or death.
At Al Nasser Hospital’s Intensive Care Unit, 30-year-old staff nurse Hamam Nasman remained on duty, assisting in operations. The Ministry of Health in Gaza falls under the control of Hamas.
“Ramallah’s government deprived me of my salary,” he explained in frustration. “How can I sit at home and just leave children to die? This is a crime!”
In enforcing the salary rules laid down by the U.S. and Israel, the Fatah government in Ramallah has created a severe crisis for public employees in Gaza, forcing them to choose between feeding their own families and serving or saving the lives of others.
“This is my human duty,” Nurse Nasman insisted. “I took an oath to treat patients, not to be a tool used for political purposes.”
Speaking on behalf of Hamas, Palestinian Legislative Councilman Dr. Salah Al Bardawil summarized the purpose of the latest directive from Ramallah.
“The objective in cutting off employee salaries is political,” he stated. “It is designed to cause a failure of democracy in Gaza—the same democracy which is not honored by the American or Israeli administrations.”
Though strapped for cash, the Hamas government manages to sporadically pay approximately 10,000 public sector workers as funds become available. According to Dr. Al Bardawil, however, 33,000 civil employees currently work without pay, and that number is increasing. Gaps in services are filled by Hamas supporters who volunteer by stepping into critical positions in the various municipal agencies, schools and hospitals.
But not all gaps can be filled in Gaza, where today only emergency humanitarian aid is occasionally allowed to enter.
The worsening shortage of necessities resulting from this latest tightening of the screws on Gaza increasingly is pitting friends and families against one another. Abu Khaled knows this pain only too well. Trepidation coupled with discretion has prevented him from spending time with a friend in the Hamas security force.
“I’m afraid that if Fatah agents see me hosting him, the Ramallah-based government will assume I am not loyal and cut off my salary,” he explained nervously.
Even those in positions of authority feel pressured to comply. Abu Waled, a Fatah loyalist and supervisor at the local police station, admitted that he now spends his days like a retiree, visiting friends and sitting at home.
“I’m not going to risk losing my salary by going to work,” he said sharply. “Let Hamas manage Gaza by themselves.”
Mohammed Omer, winner of New America Media’s Best Youth Voice award, reports from the Gaza Strip, where he maintains the Web site <www.rafahtoday.org>. He can be reached at <gazanews@yahoo.com>.
Image 'Copyleft' by Carlos Latuff

In Jerusalem, Bush will meet with President Shimon Peres and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, and in the West Bank he will meet with President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad. The president will then travel to Kuwait, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt.
Bush says conditions in Israel and the Palestinian territories now are ripe for a more aggressive U.S. role: Abbas and Olmert agreed in Annapolis to renew peace talks, there is a unifying fight against extremism fed by the Palestinian conflict, and the world understands the urgency of acting now.